TWO PUBLIC FEASTS. TWO CALLS. A WICKED PLAN. COUNTERACTIVE EFFORTS. TWO PRIVATE FEASTS. THE CONSPIRACY OVERTHROWN. THE FINAL BATTLE. THE AFTERMATH. 

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UNLIKE Nehemiah, Zerubbabel and Ezra, who have had large and small antitypes, Mordecai and Esther have only one set of antitypical fulfillments. The antitypes of the three chief actors of the book are our Lord (Ahasuerus [lion- or hero-king]), the Parousia and Epiphany Church (Esther [star]) and the Laodicean Messenger (Mordecai [humble, or warrior]). Apart from Esther 1:1-4, and parts of vs. 5-9, chapters 1 and 2 treat of Parousia matters and the rest of the book treats of early Epiphany matters. Without any further introductory remarks we will now proceed to the interpretation of the book of Esther, type and antitype, which is unique among Biblical books, since it does not contain the words, God and Jehovah. 

The opening verse of the book by several things suggests our Lord to be the antitype of Ahasuerus (Artaxerxes, 474-425 B.C.; see preceding chapter's comments on Ezra 4:6-24): first, because the latter was a king of Medo-Persia, which represents God's Kingdom while part of it is in the flesh and part of it in the spirit; second, because he was the universal ruler in that kingdom (reigned from India to Ethiopia—in both parts of the latter: the part in Arabia and the part in Africa); third, because of the three symbolic numbers involved in the number 127, i.e., 7, 12 and 10: thus, 127 ÷ 12 = 10, with 7 as a remainder, 7 standing for God, 12 for the Little Flock and 10 for natures (Great Company, Youthful Worthies and faith-justified ones) lower than the Divine; and fourth, because of the statement that Ahasuerus' throne was in Shushan (lily), the nominal church, which until 1878 was our Lord's headquarters (palace) for His kingly work.

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Vs. 1 and 2, by their reference to the second universal empire, set the antitype in the Gospel Age. Just when in the Gospel Age its antitype occurs is gathered from the facts of the antitype (in the days … in those days, vs. 1, 2). We get our first time-hint as to when the antitype started by the statement on the book's first act in the third year of Ahasuerus' reign (third year, v. 3). Broadly speaking, from a certain standpoint, but not from others, we can view the pre-Parousiac reign of our Lord in the Church as occurring during three periods: (1) that of the Primitive Church, i.e., from Pentecost to about 230 A.D., (2) that of the Catholic (Greek and Roman) Church, from about 230 until the ministry of John Wessel, about 1480 A.D., and (3) that of the Protestant Church, from about 1480 to about 1881. It will be recalled that it was in 1871 that Bro. Russell's anointing as the Parousia executive and warrior, antitypical David, began (Vol. IX, 518-524). Regarding these three periods as being respectively the first, second and third periods of our Lord's reign in the Church (typed by the first three years of Ahasuerus' reign), this setting would put the antitypical feast (feast [literally, drinking]) during the period of the Protestant Church, i.e., some time between about 1480 and 1881 A.D., as will shortly be shown. 

The facts now to be presented prove that this feast began in 1691, through Jacob Spener, one of the leaders in Germany of the movement antitypical of the depositing and keeping of the antitypical Ark in antitypical Kirjath-jearim, who then, in Berlin, brought out the long-forgotten doctrine of Christ's Millennial reign. This feast was not for the public, but for the new-creaturely leaders (princes) and the other New Creatures (servants); for others took no interest in these subjects. Besides Spener, brethren like Franke, Lange, Lead, Bengel, (Sir Isaac) Newton, Wesley, Stone, Miller, Storrs, Stetson, etc., feasted as symbolic princes, while the other New Creatures feasted as symbolic 

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servants. The former were the strong ones of the embryo kingdom (power of Media and Persia). Crown-lost leaders (princes) and their special helpers (nobles) as less honored ones (of the provinces) partook of the feast as also officers of our Lord (before him). Jesus, especially through the above-named brethren, showed forth the glory of His Millennial bounties (riches of his glorious kingdom, v. 4) and the honor of His greatness' beauty (honor of his excellent majesty [literally, of the beauty of his greatness]), a thing that a true description of His Millennial reign must do. This feast continued (many days) with the New Creatures for 180 years (180 days): from 1691, from Spener's bringing forth this truth, until 1871, when Bro. Russell's anointing as antitypical David began. The facts of the case prove that it was through Spener's bringing forth truth on the Millennium in 1691 that the antitypical feasting began. Hence for New Creatures exclusively it must have ended in 1871. 

Other considerations confirm this thought. Bro. Russell's anointing in its beginning started giving the Millennial Truth to others than New Creatures, even as it was done in the presence of his brethren of all classes of professed believers, typed by that of David occurring in the presence of his father (the whole people of God) and of his seven brothers (three of them typing the three groups of the Gospel-Age Levites, the faith-justified, three of them typing the three groups of anticipatorial Epiphany Levites, and the seventh typing the Little Flock, 1 Sam. 16:3). Thus his anointing followed immediately on the end of the 180 years' feasting, i.e., 1871 (when these days were expired, v. 5). Beginning with it, Jesus for seven years, Spring of 1871 to that of 1878 (seven days), gave an enlarged feast (feast [literally, drinking]) on the Kingdom to all, great and small, in the nominal church as Jesus' headquarters (all the people … Shushan the palace … small). This was done, not privately, as in the 180 years' feast, but with great publicity 

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(court of the garden … palace). This feast consisted especially of ever-increasing light on the ransom, the object, manner and time of our Lord's Second Advent, the chronology, our Lord's second presence occurring in 1874, election and free grace, etc. Its setting was amid teachings on justification (white, v. 6), everlasting life (green) and faithfulness (blue) sustained by our Lord's righteousness (cords of linen) and royal authority (purple), which are truly (silver) guaranteed by His Divine nature and powers (marble pillars). The feasters reclined on teachings Divinely true (gold and silver), as symbolic couches (beds [literally, couches]), which rested upon the foundation that, despite sin and death (black marble), the ransom (red) and fidelity (blue) and the righteousness (white) of Christ were the upholders of the teachings and the feasters. Divine (gold, v. 7) truths were those on which they feasted, presented in doctrinal, refutative, corrective and ethical forms (vessels being diverse). Truths on the Kingdom (royal wine [literally, wine of the kingdom]) were given out in very large and liberal measures (abundance), as should be expected from such a great King and liberal Giver as our Lord is (according to … king). Sharing in the feast of wine had to be done in harmony with the Lord's arrangements (according to the law, v. 8), i.e., according to each one's humility, meekness, thirst, honesty and goodness, as they were large or small, was he given to drink. None were forced to accept these truths (none did compel); for Jesus charges (king had appointed) His servants (officers) that they should offer the Truth to each in harmony with his preference and not in any degree force it upon him. 

While Jesus was thus offering all in the nominal church a rich feast of Kingdom truths, something else (also, v. 9) was going on. The nominal church (Vashti [beautiful] the queen), which in a sense was the Lord's Bride, since all professing to be His are recipients of the invitation to consecrate (proposal of marriage), and which 

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in its main representatives, especially its leaders, accepted the proposal, also made a feast (feast [literally, drinking]) for the various churches (women) on the subject of the Millennial Kingdom, while she was yet the Lord's mouthpiece and queen, as above described (in the royal house … king Ahasuerus). This feasting was on the pre-Millennial advent of our Lord, whose reign, they taught, would bless the then living only, and after it would be over the dead would be awakened and judged, in the nominal church's sense of the word, sentenced, some to eternal life, the rest to eternal torment. These views were championed by men like Alford, Gumming, Seiss, Craven and many evangelists, like Moody, etc. The seventh day (seventh day, v. 10) types the year from April, 1877 to April, 1878. We recall that in April, 1877, the midnight (the time of the end is Scripturally called a night, i.e., Oct., 1799 to Oct., 1954, whose exact middle was April, 1877) cry, Behold the bridegroom, started. This cry, especially announcing our Lord's presence in the Second Advent as having come, was a truth that made our Lord's heart happy (king merry with wine); and that was His charge to the nominal church (Vashti, v. 11) to take her place beside our Lord in gracing the festivities then going on, i.e., to accept and announce this doctrine with its accompanying messages. He used seven special servants (seven chamberlains [literally, eunuchs] that served … the king) to bring her this invitation and to bring her to Him in response to the invitation. These special servants were Bros. Russell (Mehuman, steadfast), Keith (Biztha, a eunuch), Barbour (Harbona, ass-driver), Paton (Bigtha, gardener), Rice (Abagtha, gardener), Storrs (Zethar, a star) and Stetson (Carcas, an eagle). The nominal church, having been developed by the crown-lost leaders, had much of their qualities, and thus was adorned with much of the beauty (beauty … fair to look on) of holiness. In her being brought forth before the Lord (before the king), 

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it was to be as the Lord's queen (with the crown royal), and the purpose was to prove her by tests of character, to show the world and the Lord's special servants that she was adorned with the beauties of holiness (to shew the people and the princes her beauty). Humility amid humiliations was one of the special features then to be tested in her. 

This invitation to appear as the hostess at the better of the two feasts, given and repeated during the year April, 1877 to April, 1878, was not only refused once, but was also repeatedly refused during that year (Vashti refused … commandment by his chamberlains, v. 12). This insult to our Lord so publicly and repeatedly made greatly displeased Him (king very wroth, and his anger burned). As always, when desiring to give advancing Truth to His servants, the scribes instructed unto the Kingdom (the king's manner [custom] toward all that knew law [matters of conduct] and judgment [matters of doctrine], v. 13), so here, the Lord raised pertinent questions in the minds of such scribes as understood prophetic times (king said to the wise men who knew the times), which scribes were the leaders closest to the Lord (and [even] the next unto him, v. 14). These seven brothers as wise men (the seven princes) were the same individuals as from the servant phase of their office work were the antitypes of the seven eunuchs of v. 10. But the order seems to be changed from that of their enumeration in v. 10, for the seventh one indicated in v. 14 is Bro. Russell (Memucan [established, i.e., steadfast, meaning the same as Mehuman, the first of the eunuchs]). The other six also seem to be given in different order from that of v. 10: Bros. Barbour (Carshena, black), Storrs (Shethar, star), Rice (Admatha, human), Paton (Tarshish, breaking subjection, i.e., rebellious), Keith (Meres, worthy) and Stetson (Marsena, lofty [in character]). These were the ones most favored by our Lord in the Church on earth at that time (saw the king's face) and were by Him 

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put in the chief places in the Church on earth (sat first in the kingdom). The question that He raised in the minds of these students of the time features of God's plan was: What did God's plan (according to law, v. 15) teach in its time features should be done to the nominal church for refusing to show forth the beauties of holiness under testful conditions of humiliation, as required by the Lord; for a proper response would have required her to repudiate her errors opposed to the advancing Truth then given and to accept these instead—a test of humility especially, as well as of other graces. But she refused to give the proper response under those conditions to the Lord (not performed … king … by the chamberlains). 

Bro. Russell (Memucan [steadfast, established, i.e., faithful], v. 16) answered the question before the Lord and the six brothers above-mentioned (before the king and the princes) as follows: The nominal church by refusing to exhibit the beauties of holiness under the test of humiliation, not only offended against the Lord, in refusing Him wifely obedience under conditions of self-abasement, but in so doing sinned against all leaders (princes) of the Church who as Truth servants had conveyed the invitation, and had given an insult to all of the members of the true Church and a bad example to every ecclesia in the real and nominal Church (all the people … provinces), all of whom should have received a proper example from her. Her course, he further added, would undoubtedly be made known (deed … shall come, v. 17) to every separate denomination, sect and ecclesia (all women), all of which, influenced by the nominal church's bad example, would despise and consider Jesus as one to be ignored and disobeyed (despise their husbands in their eyes), when they would consider the matter (when … reported) of her disregard of the Lord's charge (Ahasuerus commanded … but she came not). Even Truth ecclesias (ladies of Persia and Media, v. 18) would by her example be tempted to 

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despise the leaders (say … king's princes) of the Lord's flock, which would result in evil (contempt and wrath). Proper measures must be set into operation to meet the evil, advised Bro. Russell, which meant that the Lord Jesus be pleased to make an unalterable law (please the king … a royal commandment … written among the laws of the Persians … not altered, v. 19), that the nominal church be cast off from the mouthpieceship and favor that made her Jesus' queen (Vashti come no more before the king) and that the position of special mouthpieceship and favor be given the true Church (king give her royal estate unto another [literally, her companion] that is better than she). 

Our Lord's decree (king's decree, v. 20), Bro. Russell further declared, should be made to be heard (shall be published) throughout Christendom (throughout all his empire) as a judgment of the Lord Jesus as to both the nominal church and the real Church, which would have the tendency of making all denominations and true and nominal ecclesias (all wives), large and small (great and small), honor the Lord Jesus (give their husbands honor). Bro. Russell gathered from the Scriptures, particularly from the casting off of nominal Fleshly Israel in 33 A.D. for its rejection of our Lord, that the parallel required the casting off of the nominal church in 1878 A.D. for her rejection of our Lord. This answer was acceptable to our Lord and the other six princes (saying pleased the king and the princes, v. 21). Accordingly, our Lord executed the counsel of Bro. Russell in both of its parts (the king did according to … Memucan), i.e., He set aside the nominal church from mouthpieceship, and caused this fact to be announced everywhere in Christendom. He caused this proclamation to be made both orally and in writing (sent letters [literally, books], v. 22) throughout all denominations and ecclesias, true and nominal (into all the king's provinces), and caused it to be made known in the teachings of each of these (into every province according to the writing … after 

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their language), setting forth the thought that our Lord, as the Head of the Church, and thus as the professedly acknowledged Head in each denomination and true and nominal ecclesia, should be regarded and acted toward as the ruler in His own house (every man should bear rule in his own house), i.e., that every denomination and every ecclesia should obey His rule as its Head. He further ordained that this should be taught as a part of every denominational doctrine and as a part of every local church's doctrine (published language of every people). This charge was carried into effect, as the history of the Harvest testifies. 

Whereas Esther 1 treats of the Lord's dealing with the nominal church in its Protestant part, Esther 2 treats of the true Church beginning early in the Parousia. We will now by the Lord's help proceed to the study of Esther 2. The casting off of antitypical Vashti from special favor began April, 1878, and was completed by Oct., 1881, just as in the parallel Israel began to be cut off from special favor, April, 33 A.D., and was completely cut off from it, Oct., 36 A.D. While the Lord's wrath against her subsided (wrath … appeased, v. 1), He always remembered against her what she had done, and what He had decreed against her (what … against her). In the meantime the Lord's servants in their ministries of Him (king's servants, v. 2) taught that the truly consecrated should be sought for the Lord (said … fair young virgins sought for the king). Further, they taught and prayed that the Lord would send out friends of the Bridegroom to win a Bride for Him (king appoint officers … gather together all the fair young virgins) and to bring them into the Truth movement (Shushan the palace [now changed from the nominal to the true Church]), among the Truth people (house of the women), under Bro. Russell's care (Hege [eunuch]) as that Servant (chamberlain), who as such had charge of the household (keeper of the women) and storehouse, in which were the things for the purifying of the consecrated,

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ministered to them by him (things for purification be given). Finally, they taught that those who would pass their trial successfully to the Lord's approval (the maiden which pleaseth the king, v. 4) should and would be made the Lord's Bride instead of the nominal church (be queen instead of Vashti). This was acceptable to our Lord (thing please the king), who acted accordingly (he did so). 

Here the Laodicean Messenger in his first member, Bro. Russell, is introduced (a certain Jew … Mordecai [humble, warrior], v. 5) as being among Truth people (Shushan the palace). He was a teacher of Truth (Jair [he enlightens]), a Truth student (Shimei [hearing, studying]), an expert user of the Bible as a bow (Kish [bow]) with which to shoot the arrows of Truth against error, and on earth the favorite of God, his Father (Benjamite [son of the right hand]). In his condition in antitypical Kish he had gone into Babylonian captivity by accepting nominal-church errors in his Bible-student boyhood days (carried away, v. 6), in the captivity that preceded the final, the Epiphany one, (Jeconiah [Jehovah establishes]), inveigled therein by Satan (Nebuchadnezzar [messenger of the god of fire]). Bro. Russell nourished (brought up [literally, nourished], v. 7) Youthful Worthies (Hadassah [myrtle], Neh. 8:15) who later became New Creatures (Esther [star]) after the new-creaturely nominal-church leaders (uncle's), who had brought them to consecration, as their symbolic father, were as antitypical Saul rejected and the nominal church, as their symbolic mother, as the Lord's mouthpiece was rejected (she had neither father nor mother). After leaving the nominal church as Youthful Worthies, from 1878 onward, and coming into the Truth, these were as a class taken by Bro. Russell as a symbolic daughter. It should here be remarked that Mordecai in the book of Esther represents both members of the Laodicean Messenger, his first member acting as the antitype of Mordecai up to and including v. 18; then for a while in this 

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book first one and then the other acts as such antitype up to and including Esther 3:5; thereafter the second member of the Laodicean Messenger acts exclusively as such antitype. As said above, at Mordecai's first appearance (v. 5) and, in fact, in all his appearances up to and including v. 18, he types the Laodicean Messenger in Bro. Russell alone. Returning now to the antitype: After their begettal this Esther class, of course, became the Church probationarily. This begetting and becoming the probationary Church set in with its first members in 1881 and progressed as such up to 1914; and, of course, this class was beautiful in holiness (fair and beautiful [literally, of fair form and good appearance]), for we are to keep in mind that after she was crowned Esther represents the overcoming Church in the flesh after Sept. 16, 1914. The pertinent facts that will be brought out as we go on prove that after Sept. 16, 1914, the door of the high calling was closed to consecrators. 

Accordingly, the gathering typed in v. 8 is that which occurred after the general call ceased, i.e., that which occurred under the special calls from Oct., 1881 to Oct., 1914; for it took place after the complete cutting off of the nominal church from special favor; because, as in the Jewish parallel, while the nominal house as a whole was cast off, April, 33 A.D., exclusive favor was limited to Israel in their faithful remnant until Oct., 36 A.D.; so, while the nominal church as a whole was cast off, April, 1878, favor was limited to her in her faithful remnant until Oct., 1881, when her casting off from special favor was completed, even as that of Israel was completed in Oct., 36 A.D. The special calls, therefore, began Oct., 1881 (king's commandment … was heard, v. 8) and many responded to the calls (many maidens were gathered together) and came as New Creatures into the Truth (unto Shushan the palace) under Bro. Russell's charge (custody of Hegai). Among these were those who later made their calling and election sure (Esther), entering among the 

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Lord's people (king's house) under Bro. Russell's charge, as the one who had charge of the household (custody of Hegai, keeper of the women). The spirit of this class pleased him (maiden pleased him, v. 9); and it effected favors to be given them from him (obtained kindness of him). He zealously gave them the corrective and ethical teachings of the Word as the means of their sanctification (speedily gave her … purification), as well as the doctrinal and refutative teachings needed by them (things as belonged to her [literally, her portion]) and all needed consecrated companions (seven maidens [crown-losers and Youthful Worthies]) that were proper for them to have (meet to be given her), from among the Lord's people (out of the king's house). He assigned these and their companions (her and her maids) to the best place among the consecrated (best place … women). 

Their humility, as well as Bro. Russell's teachings (Mordecai charged her, v. 10), prevented their claiming for themselves Little Flockship (not shewed her people), nor even Spirit-begettal (kindred), for as yet neither of these things were certain, hence could be held only as a matter of faith, not of knowledge, since from 1881 onward these things were not certain in individual cases, because all consecrators were not accepted into the high calling. All through the years (every day, v. 11) of the special calls, 1881-1914, Bro. Russell very zealously approached (walked … house) these faithful ones, to learn (know) of their prosperity (how Esther did) and of their experiences (what should become of [literally, what was done with] her). Before each consecrated one's (maid's, v. 12) time would come for each of his testings (turn was come to go in) by the Lord (king Ahasuerus), he had to undergo a sufficient preparation (after she had been twelve months), as was customary with the consecrated. In the type naturally the full preparation preceded any of the testings, but in the antitype the preparation and the testing are intermittent things, 

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i.e., one is prepared in each point of character separately and is then tested on that point separately, then the preparation on the next point is made, to be followed by its testing, and so on, until all the preparations are each in turn made and all the testings are pertinently in each in turn made. This manner of the antitype's fulfilment occurs in all long-drawn-out progressive antitypical experiences. By experience all the consecrated know that this is true. The purification is a twofold one: (1) a cleansing from filthiness of flesh and spirit, which occurs through the refutative teachings of the Word cleansing from error and through the corrective teachings of the Word cleansing from sin, selfishness and worldliness (six months with oil of myrrh), and (2) a development in grace, knowledge and service through the doctrinal and ethical teachings of the Word (six months with sweet odors), all of these backed by suitable Divine providences and the Divine Spirit (for the purifying of the women). 

Before undergoing trial each consecrated one may take with him anything that he desires into the trial, with the result that often he takes things of self and of the world, of sin and of error, that prove fatal to him in the trial (thus came every maiden … whatsoever she desired … to go … unto the king's house, v. 13). The testing time (evening … morrow, v. 14) was spent under the direct supervision of the Lord Jesus (she went … she returned), as one not successful when tested was remanded to the Great Company (second house of the women), and was put under Bro. Russell's (Shaashgaz [servant of the beautiful]) supervision for stricter and restrained care (kept the concubines), as crown-losers. As such, those failing under test could not appear with the Lord except by special favor (king delighted in her) and express mention (called by name). When the faithful came under test (turn of Esther, v. 15) they came in strength of character (Abihail [my father is strength]) that was akin to that of Bro. Russell (uncle of Mordecai), and 

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that had been developed all the more under Bro. Russell's fatherly care (who had taken her for his daughter); they took nothing of wilful or mixed sin, error, selfishness and worldliness with them into the trial (required nothing); but they did take the Truth and its Spirit, as Bro. Russell, as the caretaker of all the consecrated, had taught them to have with them in their trial (what Hegai … appointed). Their graces of the Spirit made them very winsome and ingratiating (obtained favor) to all with whom they came in contact (all them that looked upon her). The final testings of these (Esther was taken unto king Ahasuerus, v. 16), as to whether the Lord would see in them a character that would prove faithful, was from 1908, when the fifth harvest call and sifting set in, until 1914 (tenth month … seventh year), the gleanlings being here ignored, since the class as such came as antitypical Elijah to the mount of God by Oct., 1914. This period from 1908 to 1914 is the special antitype of Esther's testing time. Its being in the end of the Harvest is typed by the 10th month of Ahasuerus' seventh year as king. We saw above that the Protestant Church's period (about 1480 to 1881) corresponded to his third year. The seventh is reached as follows: The period, 1881-1891, from the beginning of the second to that of the third harvest call and sifting, corresponded to the fourth year; the period 1891-1901, from the beginning of the third to that of the fourth harvest call and sifting, corresponded to the fifth year; the period, 1901-1908, from the beginning of the fourth to that of the fifth harvest call and sifting, corresponded to the sixth year; and the period, 1908-1914, from the fifth harvest call and sifting to the end of the Harvest, corresponded to the seventh year. 

This class faithfully endured the testings and thus won our Lord's special favor (the king loved Esther, v. 17) far above all nominal-church denominations (above all the women) and all other consecrated classes (more than all the virgins). Accordingly, in the late Summer of 1914 

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Jesus accepted this class as His Bride (set the crown royal upon her head, and made her queen), and made it clear, by beginning in the World War partially to destroy, among others, the nominal church, that they were taken as such instead of the latter (instead of Vashti). A special feast of Truth—that given between Oct., 1914 and Nov., 1916—especially in the very numerous conventions and Towers of those years, was by our Lord given the leading (princes, v. 18) and other servants of the Truth (his servants). This was especially the feast of the overcomers (Esther's feast). It was especially along lines of the Little Flock (Esther's) in its relations to the Great Company. He likewise eased (made a release [literally, rest]) matters sacrificially for the Great Company and Youthful Worthies (whose Truth sections then gleaned, whereas the Little Flock then smote Jordan, etc.), both in the Truth and in the nominal church (to the provinces), and gave the public through the Photo-Drama, the newspaper, the pilgrim, the colporteur and the volunteer work many gifts of Truth, especially such as showed the signs of the times in the World War, etc. (gave gifts), and that according to His power and judgment as to each class (according to the state of the king). 

In v. 19 for the first time J. appears as the second member of antitypical Mordecai in the scenes of this antitype. From about Oct., 1911 onward, shortly after the fifth harvest call ended and when the intensified public work set in, there was a gathering of very many crown-losers and Youthful Worthies into the Truth from the nominal church; among others, these are typed by Lot's and his elder daughter's leaving Sodom just before the destruction of the cities of the plain (virgins were gathered together the second time, v. 19). This gathering was from the Fall of 1911 to that of 1916. It was during this whole period, more particularly from 1914 to 1916 and most particularly during 1916, that J. came into ever-increasing prominence as 

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a Truth servant before the Lord and the Church (Mordecai sat in the king's gate), for during those years, next to Bro. Russell, of all the Truth servants he did the most responsible Truth work. The language of v. 19 cannot fit Bro. Russell, for all through the Harvest he had been sitting at the antitypical King's gate, place of prominence in the Lord's affairs, and not only after the Fall of 1911 (when the virgins … the second time, then Mordecai sat in the king's gate). As was the case with antitypical Esther in earlier periods of the Harvest (v. 10), so at the end they did not definitely claim Spirit-begettal (Esther had not yet shewed her kindred, v. 20) nor Little Flockship (nor her people), even as Bro. Russell had taught as to its uncertainty (as Mordecai had charged her); for they after the pertinent testing practiced his teaching as faithfully as before their Spirit-begettal (Esther did the commandment … as when she was brought up [literally, nourished]). 

As a member of Bethel, where he was manager (kept the door, v. 21), E.W. Brenneisen (Bigthan [a gift]) developed an exceedingly autocratic spirit. So much so was this the case at Bethel that practically the whole Bethel family of 250 members stood in fear of, and trembling at him, and their spirit of fellowship and cooperation in the Lord's service was thereby much curtailed, with the result that both the Spirit and service of the Lord suffered, there, by way of repression. This in ultimate analysis was in effect displeasure with (wroth), and an attempt to do violence (sought to lay hand) to the Lord (Ahasuerus). For a number of years his course was such, with ever-increasing unrest resulting in the Bethel family. So marked an exhibition of such an autocratic spirit came, in June, 1914, at the Columbus, Ohio, Convention, under the observation of J., who for several years had known of the pertinent conditions at Bethel (the thing was known to Mordecai, v. 22), that he felt it to be the Lord's will to tell it to Bro. Russell as a representative of the Church (told 

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it unto Esther … certified … in Mordecai's name). This led to an investigation (inquisition was made, v. 23) and resulted, to the great relief of many Bethelites, in E.W. Brenneisen's being set aside from his office of manager at Bethel, a thing that could not be done without publicity, at least at Bethel (hanged upon a tree). G.B. Raymond (Teresh [severe, austere], v. 21), who was also at Bethel, where he worked in charge of certain business matters of Bro. Russell connected with the Lord's work, and who was a pilgrim, developed over a number of years a very severe way of preaching to, and denouncing the brethren, somewhat in the same fierce manner as Billy Sunday denounced sinners. This was, of course, no way of speaking to the Lord's prospective Bride. His course in this respect in the pilgrim work had an effect on the Church similar to that of E.W. Brenneisen's on the Bethel family, and was in the Lord's sight a displeasure with, and in effect was an attempt to do violence to, the Lord. J. knew of this condition for years, learning of it in his pilgrim work from the brethren's pertinent complaints. A marked case of such severe preaching on G.B. Raymond's part to the brethren came in Sept., 1914, at the Santa Cruz, Calif., Convention, to the attention of J., who told it to Bro. Russell as a representative of the Church. This led to an investigation, with the result that G.B. Raymond was relieved both from his position at Bethel and in the pilgrim work. Without doing anything special for J. at that time for his part in the affair, the Lord caused it to be recorded in His memory (written in … chronicles before the king). 

Esther 3 treats typically of the Conspiracy of H.J. Shearn (Haman [Mercury, the messenger of the heathen gods]; Hammedatha [given at the time]; Agagite [giant, Agag being the royal title of the Amalekite kings, as Pharaoh was that of the Egyptian kings], v. 1) to gain control of the British Church, a conspiracy similar to that of J.F.R. to gain 

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control of the whole Church. In the Fall of 1914 the Lord (Ahasuerus), through certain arrangements of Bro. Russell, enlarged H.J. Shearn's managerial powers (did … promote [literally, made very great]); and, through J. Hemery's lack of aggressiveness in maintaining his place of priority among the British managers, He permissively gave the chief executive place in the British Church to H.J. Shearn as a manager (set his seat above all the princes), which in effect made him chief among the three British managers and the British pilgrims and elders who were his associates in places of power in the British Church (that were with him), in fact gave him more executive authority than any others of our Pastor's appointees anywhere else in Britain. Thus all the Lord's servants in prominent places of service as to the British Church (king's servants, that were in the king's gate, v. 2) subjected themselves (bowed) to him, and gave him obeisance (reverenced Haman); for by the Lord's permissive providence he was put into a place where this was the thing for the Truth servants to do (king had so commanded). The only exception to this course was the Laodicean Messenger, first in the person of Bro. Russell, and later in the person of J. (Mordecai bowed not, nor did him reverence). In many ways H.J. Shearn changed Bro. Russell's Bethel arrangements; but Bro. Russell refused to be subject to him in these changes, and did not show deference to him in his pertinent desires; and when J. appeared on the scene he followed Bro. Russell's example as to these revolutionisms. Some of these revolutionisms against Bro. Russell's arrangements, are listed in Vol. VII, 35, 36. 

To none of these usurpations would either of the two brothers submit, nor in relation to these would give him respect on their account. Those prominent ones (the king's servants … in the king's gate, v. 3) who did support him therein faulted, first Bro. Russell, and later J., because of their pertinent course (said unto Mordecai, Why transgressest thou?), alleging that it was the Lord's will 

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(the king's commandment), whereas it was not a charge given to them, for they were not included among such prominent servants of the Lord who should so do. His partisan supporters were the ones who continually faulted the pertinent stand of the Laodicean Messenger (they spake daily unto him, v. 4). But these would not submit to their advice to agree to his usurpations (he harkened not unto them). They then encouraged H.J. Shearn to enter into combat with the two non-conforming brothers (told Haman, to see whether Mordecai's matters would stand). The Laodicean Messenger in both of its members by their acts gave his partisan supporters to understand that they belonged to the true people of God (told them that he was a Jew). Their refusal, observed by H.J. Shearn (Haman saw, v. 5), to be subject to him, or to stand in awe of him (bowed not, nor did him reverence) greatly displeased (Haman full of wrath) so autocratic a character as H.J. Shearn, to whom we will from here on refer by his initials. 

H.J.S. in pride and unholy ambition despised the thought as insufficient for his ambitions that he should destroy Bro. Russell alone as to his controllership of the Bethel arrangements (thought scorn to lay hands on Mordecai alone, v. 6). Additional to this he decided that, by the introduction of a presbyterian order of church government, clericalism, he would uproot the congregational order of church government, ecclesiaism, and thus destroy the Church as to ecclesiaism, i.e., as to its right by its vote to control its own affairs in the Lord. He would make a beginning of this in the London Tabernacle, then spread it throughout the British and Irish Church, and from there hoped it would become world-wide, and thus overthrow the Laodicean Messenger in his teachings on ecclesiaism by subjecting him to his own views (shewed him the people of Mordecai [the ecclesians] … destroy all the Jews … whole kingdom of Ahasuerus, even the people of Mordecai). For about eleven months (first … to the 

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to the twelfth month, v. 7) in elders' meetings and in the ecclesia's meetings, as well as more privately, the matter was unanswered, discussed and voted upon resultlessly (cast … lot before Haman), to bring this matter into a movement to abrogate Bro. Russell's Tabernacle arrangements, and to introduce a presbyterian order of church government. H.J.S.'s letter, whose pertinent parts appear in Vol. VII, 39-46, shows that the subject was first discussed in an elders' meeting, Oct. 22, 1915, and that it was thereafter, from time to time, discussed until the elders' meeting of Sept. 1, 1916, passed H.C. Thackway's resolution to discuss it in detail the afternoon and evening of Sept. 16, 1916, when the resolution of H.J.S. to dispossess our Pastor from his Tabernacle powers and lodge them in the hands of the elders was passed. Thus it was discussed about eleven months (Nisan … Adar). 

We will not give details here, having done that in Vol. VII, Chapter I. H.J.S.'s presenting this resolution, Sept. 16, 1916, was in pantomime a request from him of the Lord to destroy the Laodicean Messenger as to his pastoral control of the London Tabernacle arrangements and the brethren as to ecclesiaism (Haman said unto king Ahasuerus … a certain people … not for the king's profit to suffer them, v. 8). The resolution implied that our Pastor's Tabernacle arrangements were not Scriptural (neither keep they the king's laws), as it also implied that they were different from those of other ecclesias, which was true in itself; for in headquarter ecclesias our Lord desired to use His headship through Bro. Russell, His hand, eye and mouth, as free from subjection to any ecclesia, which his subjection to an ecclesia would have prevented (laws diverse from all people). Hence our Lord arranged in the headquarter churches to have Bro. Russell as His special representative control their arrangements. H.J.S. reeled off many arguments in favor of his resolution; among others, he claimed that the Lord would obtain many advantages (pay [literally, weigh]

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10,000 talents of silver [$20,000,000.00], v. 9) through the increased service of the elders (those that have the charge of the business), who would thus enrich the Lord (bring it into the king's treasuries). The elders', Sept. 16, 1916, passing the resolution was our Lord's permissively in pantomime granting H.J.S.'s request; for that resolution in view of its ultimate purpose put the elders into H.J.S.'s control (the king took his ring … gave it unto Haman, v. 10). Thus seemingly the enemy of the Lord's people was given power to kill them in their rights as to ecclesiaism (the Jews' enemy). The resolution so passed was the Lord's permissively giving H.J.S. the benefits of the elders' increased fruitage, as well as the Church's controllership privileges (silver … people … do … seemeth good to thee, v. 11); for through the resolution H.J.S. not only designed to take away the Church's rights of self-government by lodging its government in the elders, but also to secure for himself control of the elders, and thus ultimately make himself the full controller of the British Church. 

There were four formal meetings of the elders after that of Sept. 16, 1916, when the resolution was passed, and before that of Oct. 20, to get the resolution and a report into a shape acceptable to all the elders, that thus all the elders might sign it, which four meetings were held Sept. 20 and 29 and Oct. 6 and 13. However, they failed of accomplishing this purpose. The resolution, finally signed by but 11 out of the 18 elders, with its report and covering letter was sent to Bro. Russell probably on Oct. 23, 1916, the earliest possible time, since the letter was written and then mailed to the London Bethel Saturday, Oct. 21, and was thus not received there until Monday, Oct. 23. Thus it was dispatched to Bro. Russell some time during the week of Oct. 22-28, 1916, quite probably Oct. 23, a month and about a week after the resolution was passed, which implies that the request was made (v. 8) about the 6th of the 12th month (were the king's scribes

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called on the 13th day of the first month, v. 12). This correspondence having been sent to Bro. Russell, who as such was both the Lord's and the Church's representative, it was thus in him in reality sent to, the whole Church (written … Lieutenants … governors … rulers … every people). Since it claimed to set forth the pertinent Biblical teachings, it was written in the Lord's name (in the name of king Ahasuerus); and it was authorized by the elders' vote (sealed with the king's ring). These three writings—the resolution, the report and the covering letter—were posted to Bro. Russell, as our Lord's and the Church's representative (letters were sent by posts, v. 13), and in reality asked for the death of the Lord's people in so far as their rights to control their own matters by their free vote were concerned (destroy, kill and cause to perish, all Jews), and the destruction of Bro. Russell's controllership in the British Church; for in this way would the aim of H.J.S. go into effect, if it should succeed. This would be accomplished the day the resolution would go into effect (one day … 13th … Adar [11 months after the first month of v. 12]), and would make their rights a spoil to all supporters of its going into effect (the spoil of them for a prey). The sending of this correspondence to Bro. Russell as the Lord's and the Church's representative was a publication of it to all Truth people (writing … was published unto all people, v. 14), and was an exhortation (for a commandment) to them to support the fatal work (ready against that day). Fast trams and steamers hastened the correspondence to America (posts … hastened by the king's commandment, v. 15); and by the conspirators at the London Bethel and Tabernacle it was regarded as effective (decree was given in Shushan the palace). The Lord Jesus and H.J.S. (king and Haman) continued to appropriate the prerogatives of their offices (sat down to drink). But the Lord's people in Britain who knew were in perplexity (perplexed). 

Apprised beforehand (Mordecai perceived all that was 

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done, Esther 4:1) of the coming of this correspondence by J. Hemery, Bro. Russell decided toward the end of September to send J. to Britain on account of the situation there; and about 10 P.M., Oct. 21, at Dallas, Texas, he gave J. to understand that he wanted him to do something connected with the recalcitrant managers, of whom he spoke in, disapproval and anger as setting aside his arrangements and introducing their own instead. He did not give details as to what he desired him to do, declaring that he would give him these at Brooklyn between Nov. 6 and 11, when J. was to be there before he sailed for Europe. Bro. Russell did not live to see this correspondence, which he desired to see before giving J. details as to how he wished him to handle the situation. But it was given to J. by A.I. Ritchie, late in the afternoon of Nov. 8; and that night and the most of the next day he made a careful study of it, and saw through its iniquity. At this juncture and onward J. alone, and that as the second member of the Laodicean Messenger, functioned as the antitype of Mordecai. As such he began and continued for several months in great grief (cried with a loud and a bitter cry), which did violence to his graces of habitual faith, peace and joy (rent his clothes), and was for a while symbolically clothed with and in mourning (sackcloth with ashes). With much distress he mingled with the Bethel family (went into the midst of the city). When with them he concealed from the Bethelites (came even before the king's gate, v. 2) as such the reason for his distress, feeling that it would be inappropriate to show grief there (none … the king's gate clothed with sackcloth). 

Everyone of the Lord's people everywhere, on hearing of this conspiracy, permitted by the Lord (whithersoever the king's commandment and his decree came, v. 3), was plunged into keen distress (great mourning … fasting, and weeping, and wailing … in sackcloth and ashes). J.'s distress increased with the sense of responsibility of handling the situation executively given him by his 

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commission. Knowing from Ps. 91:6; Ezek. 9:2, 5-10 (the sixth slaughter man) and several brethren's description of the situation in various European countries, just lately given him, that he was to face a sifting in Europe, J. was so weighed down that he could not make a connected speech of comfort and farewell to the Bethel family at the breakfast table just before leaving for Europe. All that he could do was to utter a few disconnected sentences at intervals. A.I. Ritchie, G.W. Seibert and A.H. MacMillan (maids and chamberlains, v. 4) told something of the situation to J.F.R. and W.E.V., who with A.I. Ritchie were the Executive Committee, and thus representatives of the Church, which thus heard of it in them (Esther's … her). This greatly grieved them individually and in their capacity of representing the Church (queen exceedingly grieved). Noting J.'s grief, they sought to comfort him and remove his grief (sent raiment to clothe Mordecai, and to take away his sackcloth from him); but their words failed of their purpose (he received it not). Before this correspondence arrived Sr. G.W. Seibert had gotten a letter from J. Hemery, revealing the situation to her and asking her to speak with Bro. Russell over it; but the letter reached her too late for her to speak to him about it, i.e., it reached her after he had left Bethel, Oct. 16, for the last time. But she told it to A.I. Ritchie and A.H. MacMillan. This, among other things, prompted A.I. Ritchie, who had not read it yet, to put the correspondence, as a forearming of him for his British trip, into J.'s hands for study, after which he was to report on it to the Executive Committee. Then he told his fellow committee members of it, and they sent him to J. to ask him details (Then called Esther for Hatach [verity] … to know what it was, and why it was, v. 5). The night of Nov. 9 he explained to, and discussed with, the Executive Committee the situation; and, knowing that J. could not handle the situation, if he went merely as a pilgrim,

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which would have made him subject to the managers, the Executive Committee told J, that they were making valid the powers that the letter of appointment, given him to obtain passports, fictitiously offered him, and decided to give him bonafide credentials actually conferring the powers that the letter of appointment had fictitiously offered, which credentials were dictated the afternoon of Nov. 10 and signed and sealed the morning of the 11th, just as J. was leaving for the steamer on which he sailed to England. Thus A.I. Ritchie's putting the correspondence into J.'s hands (Hatach went forth to Mordecai unto the street of the city, v. 6) was an asking of him to report on it to the members of the Executive Committee (before the king's gate), who as such acted therein as the representatives of the Church, antitypical Esther. 

As indicated above, J. made the report, first to A.I. Ritchie (vs. 7, 8), and then through him to the rest of the Executive Committee. It was, first of the Executive Committee, the night of Nov. 9, after they had told him to handle the British situation with pertinent powers, and then of the Bethel family, at the breakfast table, Nov. 11, that J. asked for their special prayers for the Lord's grace to help him bear his burden and to prosper his endeavors on behalf of the endangered brethren (that she should go in unto the king, to make supplication … request before him for her people). A.I. Ritchie, as above stated, told what J. had told him to the other members of the Executive Committee (Hatach … told Esther the words of Mordecai, v. 9). At first timid, these two again sent A.I. Ritchie to J. with a message (Esther … Hatach … Mordecai, v. 10) to let him know that they were afraid to offer such a prayer, having misgivings of its displeasing the Lord, as asking amiss (whosoever … shall come … not called … death … except … may live, v. 11), and as thinking that the Lord had not showed them favor for a long period (not been called … thirty days). It was the fear of a sifting, of whose coming 

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J. had warned J.F.R. and W.E.V., that made these the first to have such fear. Hence their attitude suggested that A.I. Ritchie speak further with J., which was done, Sr. G.W. Seibert also joining in so doing (they told to Mordecai Esther's words, v. 12). Thereupon J. said that the sifting would test all, that its success would symbolically kill as to their power of voting even the faithful who were close to the Lord (Think not … thou shalt escape in the king's house, more than all the Jews, v. 13), that if the most shielded would not do their part (holdest thy peace, v. 14), they and theirs would lose their privileges as to ecclesiaism (thou and thy father's house shah be destroyed), and that the Lord would raise up others to do the work of enlarging and rescuing His people (enlargement and deliverance … from another place). He raised the question as to whether the Executive Committee and the Board, whom it represented, yea, all of them being representatives of the Church, were not given their present position as representatives of the Church for the very purpose of praying and laboring for this deliverance (art come to the kingdom for such a time as this?). J. and the three members of the Executive Committee during their discussion of the situation the night of Nov. 9 were the main actors in the antitypes of vs. 6-14. 

Several times during the day of Nov. 9 J. met the three members of the Executive Committee individually and all of them individually asked him, in addition to pilgrim work, to investigate the business and affairs of the Society, call for the reports from the Society's managers at the branch offices visited and make reports on the secular and religious aspects of the work. No express mention was during the day made as to J.'s having powers of attorney. That night (God's time, Nov. 10), after J. had made his report on the above-mentioned correspondence to the Executive Committee, after they saw that with mere pilgrim investigating and reporting powers he could not handle the situation at 

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the London Bethel and Tabernacle, since these would still leave him a subordinate of the three British managers, and after the Committee told him to handle it, he asked each one of them separately, but in one another's presence, whether they intended that he should use all the powers that the letter of appointment fictitiously offered him, and each one of the three answered, yes. No mention was made of any exceptions in the powers. None of them was mentioned specifically. They were, therefore, all included in both the questions and the answers. J. knew that that night all were meant, especially that on his exercising powers of attorney, because only with such powers could he handle the Tabernacle conditions, and it was these that they expressly commissioned him to handle. J.F.R.'s self-serving claim, made after 3½ months of his hearty cooperation with J.'s exercising such powers, that his powers were fictitious, have been sufficiently refuted in Vol. VI, Chapter I. 

The Committee ordered J.F.R. to prepare pertinent credentials, which were dictated by J.F.R. the afternoon of Nov. 10 in J.'s presence and signed and sealed the morning of Nov. 11. Please note that the acts involved in the giving of these powers, from the out start of the acts of giving them, during the daytime of Nov. 9, until the completion of their giving in the acts of signing and sealing the credentials that stated the conferring of them, stretched over a period of three days, Nov. 9-11. These are the three days of antitypical fasting on the part of all concerned at the headquarters (all … in Shushan, v. 16)—the seven Board members, who acted as representatives of the Church, the Committee itself, the manager and assistant manager, all as representatives of the Board and the Church (Esther, v. 15) and J. It was a symbolic fast for them, inasmuch as the Board and the Executive Committee as their agent denied themselves the use of such of their powers as they conferred on J.; it was a symbolic fast for J., because the acceptance of the pertinent

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commission involved much self-denial for him; and it was a symbolic fast for A.H. MacMillan, as manager, R.J. Martin, as assistant manager, and the brother in charge of the pilgrim department, all of whom surrendered some of their prerogatives to J. for his mission (fast ye … I also and my maidens will fast). After giving up such prerogatives on the part of antitypical Esther and J. and those cooperating with him in his involved sacrifice (Jews … in Shushan), the involved brethren, one and all: as representatives of antitypical Esther, were in spirit prepared to appear before the Lord in intercession on behalf of the endangered brethren (so will I go in unto the king). This would be done regardless of failure or of success in the attempt (if I perish, I perish). Thus all concerned, including, among others, J. (Mordecai … did, v. 17), accepted the proposed self-denials according to the suggestion of the Executive Committee, as representatives of the Church (Esther) and the Board, which, as representatives of the Church, acted therein through its agent, the Executive Committee. 

It has above been shown that the three days of the antitypical fasting were Nov. 9, 10, 11, 1916. But the facts of the fulfilment prove that the third day was enlarged from the 24-hour days of Nov. 9 and 10 to a day lasting from Nov. 11 to about Dec. 10 (on the third day, 5:1). This, on its face, seems strange; yet the facts of the fulfilment, as will be presented, demonstrate this to be true. As we saw, from the case of Bro. Russell and that of the Executive Committee in their executive capacities, that representatives of the Church are in Esther 2:22 (Bro. Russell) and 4:4, 5, 8-17 (the Executive Committee) set forth as antitypical Esther, so as soon as J. accepted executive authority (Esther put on her royal apparel) for his European work according to his credentials given him Nov. 11, he in such executive capacity acted representatively for the Church, i.e., in the pertinent events the Church acted in him and thus in this capacity he stood at 

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times as the antitype of Esther. This is the case in Esther 5 and 6. It might here be remarked that Esther's putting on her royal apparel on the third day proves that on Nov. 11 J.'s credentials were bonafide, and were so recognized by him; and Esther's maids assisting her to dress, represent the individual members of the Executive Committee treating his powers as bonafide Nov. 11, 1916. So empowered, J. entered into closer contact with the Lord Jesus than hitherto (stood in the inner court) as to His Church (of the king's house), directly in matters pertaining to the Church (over against the king's house). Our Lord was then administering the affairs of His Kingdom in Divine authority (sat … throne in the royal house) in a public manner (gate of the house). This scene started Nov. 11, immediately on J.'s leaving the Tabernacle, as soon as W.E.V. as secretary signed and sealed the credentials, A.I. Ritchie having signed them as vice-president, just before J. left Bethel to go to the Tabernacle for the secretary to sign and seal them. From that time onward until J. arrived at the London Bethel the night of Nov. 19, 1916, J. was in constant meditation and prayer over the situation created by the elders' resolution, etc. (stood). This activity of J., as the Church's representative, was noted by our Lord (king saw Esther the queen standing in the court, v. 2), and as such he was favorably regarded by the Lord (obtained favor in his sight). Accordingly, the Lord graciously extended His right to rule, which was in His power, toward J. as the Church's representative (king held out to Esther … sceptre … hand). J. as such, recognizing the Lord's favor, approached closer to the Lord in faith in, and submission toward our Lord's right and power to rule (Esther drew near, and touched the top of the sceptre). By the Word, as applicable to the situation, the Lord raised in J.'s mind, as the Church's representative, the questions as to what his concern and petition were (said … What wilt thou? [literally, What to thee?

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i.e., What is giving you concern?] … what is thy request? [literally, what do you seek for yourself?], v. 3). Through the Word the Lord Jesus assured J. as the Church's representative that for the Church as the Lord's joint-heir he might have her share as the Lord's partner in the Lord's bounty at request (given … half of the kingdom). As the Church's representative J. requested that our Lord and H.J.S. might during the enlarged third day partake together in a discussion of the principles applicable to the case as these would be presented by J. as the Church's representative (let the king and Haman come this day unto the banquet [literally, the drinking] that I have prepared for him, v. 4). By His providences connected with the correspondence coming into J.'s hands, as shown in Vol. IV, Chap. III, 184-189, particularly by its coming into J.'s hands in London, our Lord brought it about that He ordered H.J.S. to attend this symbolic feast of wine, which was a literal discussion of the principles underlying the matters treated of in the correspondence (Cause Haman … do as Esther hath said: v. 5). H.J.S. put his side of the correspondence into J.'s hands, to secure from him as the Society's special representative the sanctioning of his plan to introduce a presbyterian order of church government, a plan to secure for the elders "the control of all its [the ecclesia's] services and activities," as against the congregational order of church government, while J. Hemery put his side of the correspondence into J.'s hands as the Society's special representative, to secure from him the defeat of H.J.S.'s plan, both doing this on Nov. 23. 

Beginning Nov. 23, this discussion between our Lord, acting through J. as His mouth, and H.J.S. continued until into the night of Nov. 28 (29, God's time). During these seven days which were still a part of the third symbolic day, the discussion went on, usually at H.J.S.'s and J.'s 9 P.M. dinners, but also in the managers' meeting of Nov. 25 (king and Haman … banquet). As J. spoke to H.J.S. 

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he found himself in a wholly different attitude of mind from that in which he was while listening to H.J.S. During the former times he found himself to be affable and trustful toward H.J.S., but as soon as he ceased speaking, and H.J.S. began and continued to speak, he became very suspicious of him, watching his every word, intonation, facial expression and gestures. In the former attitude he was acting as Jesus' mouth; in the latter attitude he was acting as the representative of the Church. Thus in these conversations and discussions our Lord was present and spoke to H.J.S. by J. as His mouth, and the Church was present, but silent in J. as its representative. Before coming to understand the antitype of this scene J. often wondered how he could pass so quickly from one into the other of these two mental attitudes toward the same person; yea, more than once he chided himself that he could have been so affable and trustful toward H.J.S. one second and the next second become so deeply distrustful and suspicious of him. Only after he came to see the double uses that the Lord was making of him in the antitype of "the drinking" scene could he see that there was no hypocrisy in his course. H.J. S, is by heredity very crafty. He has what physiognomists call a fox-face. J. noted this at his first look at his face on meeting him at the London station where he and several other Bethelites came to meet and greet him on his arrival at London from America. While the New Creature can overcome such an inherited handicap, H.J.S. was in his double-mindedness living in this quality. J., who naturally is trustful and unsuspicious, never could have check-mated this man in his craftiness at every turn, as he did, had not the Lord taken him in his craftiness through J. 

Again, and that during this first symbolic wine-banquet (at the banquet of wine, v. 6), the lord Jesus raised the question in the mind of J., as the Church's representative (king said unto Esther), as to what her petition and request were, assuring her of a favorable response to

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both (What …? … granted … what …? … performed). J. as the Church's representative did not yet know what to ask, for the conditions had not yet sufficiently clarified before his mind as the Church's representative as to just what should be requested. Accordingly, he as such asked (my petition and my request, v. 7) for a delay and a further discussion of the subject (king and Haman come to the banquet, v. 8), promising at the second discussion to tell her petition and request, as the king asked (I will do tomorrow as the king hath said). During the first discussion the Lord Jesus, speaking through J., gave not the slightest hint to H.J.S. as to His decision on the subject, nor was J. as the Church's representative able to do this, on account of his uncertainty, as just indicated. As a result, H.J.S. by Nov. 29, after on Nov. 28 at J.'s request he acted as his chairman at J.'s two Croydon meetings, was very happy in the thought that all was well with him, and that his plan would succeed (Then went Haman forth … with a glad heart, v. 9). He felt sure of having the Lord's and the Church's [in J.] favor, despite J.'s disapproving Nov., 28, H.J.S.'s convention program, and charged him to revise it as J. indicated; but on Dec. 2, before leaving Bethel for his Forest Gate appointment, J. as the Society's special representative (in the king's gate) told H.J.S. that he could not yield sanction to his plan, as it was presbyterianism and clericalism, and as the Truth view of church government was ecclesiaism, i.e., the congregational form of church government. Thus in this chief matter J. refused to submit to H.J.S.'s arrangements, which H.J.S. noted (Haman saw Mordecai … stood not up, nor moved for him). Despite H.J.S.'s reasons for his plan, J. would not in the least submit to him therein. Thereupon he ceased arguing, but J. plainly perceived that he was both disappointed and displeased (full of indignation against Mordecai). Despite his disappointment and displeasure, he forcibly controlled himself externally

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(refrained [literally, forced] himself, v. 10). Returning to his habitual state of heart and mind (came home), he assembled his friends and his special helpers (friends, and Zeresh [golden] his wife). 

To these he declared his honorable abundance of official powers (glory of his riches, v. 11), his many influential like-minded elder supporters (multitude of his children) and the promotions that the Lord had given him (promoted him) and how the Lord had advanced him to the chief position among His leaders and servants (advanced him above the princes and servants of the king). Then he boasted that the Church in J. had not honored anyone else to come with the Lord to a discussion of the matters of the Tabernacle (the queen let no man come in with the king unto the banquet … but myself, v. 12). He also boasted that further discussions on the subject would be had by the Lord and him alone, at the invitation of the Church acting in J. representatively (tomorrow am I invited unto her also with the king). Then he told them that he got no real benefit from these things as long as he saw J. as the Society's special representative in a prominent position in the Lord's service (all this availeth me nothing … I see Mordecai … at the king's gate, v. 13). Thereupon his special helpers (Zeresh his wife, v. 14) and trusted supporters (friends) advised him to collect pertinent facts on J.'s alleged evil deeds. (let a gallows be made), deeds surely proving him to be an unclean Great Company member (50 cubits high [50 is a multiple of 10, the number of natures lower than the Divine nature, and 5, as a fraction of 10, implies an unclean member of a nature lower than the Divine nature, i.e., here an unclean Great Company member]), and before the second period of discussion would begin (tomorrow [literally, in the morning]) secure from the Lord permission that J. be publicly set forth as an evil-doer (Mordecai may be hanged thereon [literally, that they hang Mordecai thereon]). J.'s alleged evil deeds so far

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committed were his disapproving of H.J.S.'s Manchester Convention program, his revising it in harmony with Bro. Russell's arrangements and his refusing to bend in submission to H.J.S.'s presbyterianizing plan. The advice given H.J.S. struck him as just the thing to do. So with these three materials he began to construct his gallows and added to them from time to time other acts of J. that disapproved of his revolutionism, summing them up in the long self-justifying letter that was in large part quoted in Vol. VII, Chap. I (caused the gallows to be made). They assured him that after getting the permission to prove J. guilty of wrong-doing, he could merrily join the king in feasting (king unto the banquet). 

Next Esther 6 will engage our attention. Our Lord's ceaseless activities (could not the king sleep [literally, the king's sleep fled], v. 1) enter into every nook and corner of His office functions, and one of these is keeping in memory the various events of His reign (book of records … read before the king). At this time, i.e., between Dec. 3 and 11 (that night). He recalled J.'s warning as to E.W. Brenneisen's autocratic, and G.B. Raymond's severe treatment of the brethren as an attempt against our Lord (Mordecai had told of … keepers of the door … to lay hand on the king, v. 2). No reward (honor and dignity, v. 3) had been given J. for this act (done to Mordecai). Doubtless it was the spirit-being angels who dealt with our Lord in the matters of vs. 1-4, typed by those who read to the king, of whom the king asked the questions of vs. 3, 4, and who, as the servants of vs. 3, 4, answered the king's questions. It will be recalled that it was on Dec. 2 that J. announced to H. J S. his disapproval of his plan to presbyterianize the Church. Thereafter came the latter's boasting, his charge against J. and the conspiracy with some of his main and subordinate supporters to have J. proven to be an evil-doer. The first part of the symbolic gallows that H.J.S. erected was his position taken in his letter of Dec. 11 

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to J., declining to revise the Manchester Convention program as J. had asked. This refusal was in effect: (1) a denial of J.'s executive authority and (2) a charge against J. of usurpation of authority; for if he had not had the pertinent authority, it would have been a usurpation on his part to require the managers to revise that program as J. had asked. The writing, sending and journey of this letter, Dec. 11-14, therefore, was a going to our Lord with a charge of usurpation against J. and a request openly to prove his charge. It was during these three days that H.J.S. waited for the Lord, to see Him on his plan to have J. proven an evil-doer (court of the king's house, to speak … hang Mordecai on the gallows, v. 4). 

J. received this letter Dec. 14, and most carefully and prayerfully considered it until the morning of Dec. 19, when he saw clearly that he must, if he would maintain his duty as executive, insist on the program's being revised as he had asked. While J. was, Dec. 14-19, considering and praying over this letter, the scene of vs. 4-9 was antityped, and that in pantomime, of course. The situation created by H.J.S.'s course as to the Manchester Convention program was this: H.J.S. thereby made a bid to secure the chief executive authority in the British field as against that of J. His course therein was a going to our Lord with the request that meant an attempted proof of J.'s unfitness for that authority. When that letter reached J., and he began to meditate and pray over it, our Lord stepped upon the scene to decide as between the two on this question. His first step was to inquire as to who was in waiting to ask a petition of Him (Who is in the court?). The angels (king's servants) declared that H.J.S. was so waiting; for he was longing to get from the Lord the power to set J. aside, not only as a public evil-doer, but also as one unfit to have executive charge of the British general work. Thus the situation was an open one, which H.J.S. desired would result in his getting chief executive authority in the work 

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in general and in the Manchester Convention in particular. The Lord, ready to honor J. in an exemplary way at this time, caused the situation to suggest to H.J.S.'s mind the question, What honors should he have whom it is the delight of the Lord to honor? (What shall be done unto the man whom the king delighteth to honor? v. 6). As this question came providentially to H.J.S.'s mind repeatedly, as these circumstances continued to suggest it, H.J.S. held the thought, as desirable (thought in his heart), that he had been the one chiefly using executive authority in Britain, and that, therefore, he was undoubtedly the one whom it was the Lord's delight to honor especially (whom … honor more than to myself?). His heart's and his act as to the convention program, not likely his mouth, answered this question (answered the king, v. 7). The answer was: that the Lord's authority (royal apparel, v. 8) which He exercised in the British Church, the teaching (horse) as to that authority (the king rideth) and the evidence of that authority (crown) be put into the power of one of the chief leaders of the British Church (delivered to the hand … king's most noble princes, v. 9), and that His servants (they) may impart as the Lord's agents these powers executively (array the man) and publicly support him upon this teaching (bring him on horseback … street of the city) and proclaim that so the Lord will continue to do to the one whom He delights to honor (done … whom the king delighteth to honor). H.J.S.'s striving to control the Manchester Convention program and his reasonings and desires thereon meant that all this be done to him. 

In every encounter that J. had with H.J.S. the latter created such situations as put him firmly into a trap; and here we have a marked example of this. The Lord turned the tables about from what H.J.S. had expected, and required of him that he be the one to minister these very honors to J. at the Lord's command (haste, and take the apparel and the horse … do so to Mordecai … let 

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nothing fail, v. 10). It happened in this way: The principles of the Word requiring J, to accept H.J.S.'s challenge of his executive authority in the British Church, by his course of attempted disregard of J.'s revisions of the convention program, declared in his letter of Dec. 11, J., as shown above, at the Lord's direction, forced him to revise the program as he had asked and then gave it to him to carry out as revised. In Chap. III the facts connected with this program matter were given in considerable detail, so they will not be repeated here. It will here suffice to say that J., in a managers' meeting called by him, Dec. 20, unchangeably insisted on the program's being revised as he had charged. Then, as a reprimand to H.J.S., he took the revision of the program and its carrying out from him, and gave these to J. Hemery to do; but when, on the night of Dec. 22, H.J.S. made an half-apology for his course, as a sign of forgiveness J. gave it to him to carry out, and required of all three managers that they cooperate in J.'s solution of the situation. In this matter the Lord acted through J. as His eye, hand and mouth. Thus the three managers were required to accept J. as the Lord's authorized executive (that they may array the man withal); and H.J.S. had to go before him publicly, before and during the convention, proclaiming by act the teaching (horse) that the Lord was pleased to give J. His delegated executive authority (royal apparel), with the sign of their validity (crown) in his credentials, read on the occasion to the managers. Thus was fulfilled v. 11 in detail. But, as we may conclude from Haman's course as described in v. 12 that he did it with ill grace, so H.J.S. performed his part with ill grace and a murmuring heart. It hurt him to see J. given by the managers and the conventioners the attention that was a result of the proclamation. 

After the convention, where J. was received and treated with the respect that the Society's (Lord's) special representative should have, and that in view of the antitypical 

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proclamation of him as such representative, J. went about his pilgrim work as, before (Mordecai came again to the king's gate, v. 12), until he came again to Bethel, Jan. 8, 1917. But H.J.S. left the convention for his position, office (hasted to his house), much crestfallen, deeply hurt and full of sadness (mourning), wearing the emblems of defeat, a defeated and an ashamed spirit (having his head covered). Burning with chagrin, shame and resentment, he told his chief supporters (Zeresh his wife, v. 13) and his subordinate supporters (all his friends) all the pertinent events, and that with untruthful details. His counselors (wise men) and his main supporters (Zeresh his wife) recognized in these events the Lord's providence as indicating the eventual defeat of H.J.S. in his encounters with J. (Mordecai … before whom thou hast begun to fall … not prevail against him, but shalt surely fall before him). H.J.S. arrived in London Jan. 2 from the Manchester Convention, and the scene of his telling his supporters of his recent experiences and their making the unfavorable forecast occurred some time between Tuesday afternoon, Jan. 2, and Saturday night, Jan. 6; for he received word during that time that he was wanted at the business meeting of the London Tabernacle to be held Sunday afternoon, Jan. 7 (while … talking with him … chamberlains … bring Haman unto the banquet that Esther had prepared, v. 14). 

To this symbolic drinking our Lord and H.J.S. came (king and Haman came to banquet with Esther, 7:1). While Pastor Russell's passing beyond the vail had somewhat altered the externals of H.J.S.'s conspiracy, its heart remained, i.e., presbyterianizing the British Church. And the banquet of the second symbolic day finds its antitype in how this matter was discussed and acted upon from Jan. 7 to Jan. 28, 1917, inclusive. J.'s previous investigations and experience as to the London Bethel and Tabernacle matters convinced him that a fell attempt had been begun 

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to presbyterianize the British Church. Therefore when on Dec. 24, 1916, as the Society's special representative, he addressed the Tabernacle congregation, he stressed ecclesiaism as the proper form of church government, as against presbyterianism, exhorting the brethren as a church to hold in their own hands the controllership of all the church's activities and business, and not to delegate this control to the board of elders or to anyone else. J. did not then expose the conspiracy, of which the ecclesia was not yet aware, but the points that he made were by both sets of elders, the 11 who shared in the conspiracy and the 7 who opposed it, recognized as opposed in principle to the conspiracy's resolution. The contents of this address moved H.C. Thackway, who was one of the seven non-signatory elders, to prepare a set of resolutions calculated to destroy before the church the presbyterianizing of its form of government. He desired to confer with J, on these resolutions, but the latter declined to discuss them, because he had put himself under the same restriction as that under which he had put the entire Bethel family after his address of Dec. 24, i.e., in no way to seek to influence the ecclesia's election, apart from each Bethelite's vote. In other words, so far as the Bethel family was concerned, it was to do no campaigning or electioneering, in order that the ecclesia might be left entirely to its own free volition to conduct its election along congregational lines, without any Bethelites' influencing it one way or another. Therefore J. told H.C. Thackway to use his own free judgment on anything that he desired to present or leave unpresented to the ecclesia at its business meeting on Jan. 7. Had H.J. Shearn kept the above-mentioned charge given the Bethelites, his course in the matter, so far as J, was concerned, would not have been brought before the ecclesia. But during the discussion of the aforesaid resolutions, in which there was made a slight exposure of the conspiracy, H.J.S. began to defend himself before the ecclesia, without,

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however, divulging his part in the conspiracy. This moved J. to warn him, the night of Jan. 8, that if his pertinent course became known his influence would be destroyed in the British Church. Thereupon J. cautioned him against any further attempt at self-justification and at influencing the election. 

The aforesaid resolutions were passed on Jan. 7, and on Jan. 14 the nomination of elders and deacons occurred, and the election was set for Jan. 21. H.J.S.'s course of Jan. 7, in disregard of J.'s restriction on Bethelites' attempting to influence the election apart from their individual votes, made J. fear, after he had received on Jan. 13 H.J.S.'s long letter, reproduced in part in Vol. VII, Chap. I, that he would attempt it again. Therefore he wrote to J. Hemery, asking him, in case H.J.S. would attempt it, to, tell the church, as J.'s. mouthpiece, of the details of the conspiracy and of J.'s disapproval of it. On Jan. 21, before the election, H.J.S. again before the church sought to justify himself. Thereupon, as charged by J., J. Hemery told a little—too little to clarify matters—of the course of H.J.S. (and W. Crawford) as to the conspiracy, and announced to the church that J. as the Society's commissioner disapproved of this conspiracy. This led to a motion to postpone voting on H.J.S. (and W. Crawford) for eldership until J. had been heard from; and J. was by resolution requested to be at the business meeting of the ecclesia on Jan. 28, and as the Society's commissioner to give his view of the matter. Accordingly, J. addressed the ecclesia on the situation, and while addressing it he learned, through a series of questions, that H.J.S., by quoting an incomplete part of a statement from a letter of Bro. Russell, had deceived 9 of the 11 signatory elders into believing that our Pastor desired to be relieved of his pastoral control of the activities and business of the London Tabernacle, whereas the next sentence, which H.J.S. withheld from the elders, showed that unless the ecclesia would relieve the Society of all its

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financial obligations as to the Tabernacle, e.g., the mortgage, he would continue to control its affairs, the connection showing that he had been asked to give up that control. His answer showed under what conditions he was willing so to do. He further told the managers to find out whether the ecclesia desired to assume all the financial obligations; and, if so, he was willing to place in its control all its activities and business; if not, he would continue to control these. The parts of the letter that stated these conditions H.J.S. concealed from the elders, under the plea that they were confidential. Thus he deliberately deceived the elders on the real situation. Under the impression that J. Hemery had the previous Sunday, Jan. 21, told the detailed facts of the conspiracy, J., on discovering this deception, proved publicly before the meeting that H.J.S. was a deliberate deceiver of 9 of the signatory elders, and thus a gross evil-doer, and gave him before the church one of the severest rebukes that he has ever administered to any Levite. The above facts are the antitypes of the facts of Esther 7:1-10, which antitypical facts will now be connectedly set forth as the antitypes of those of vs. 1-10. 

As said above, the discussions and acts as to the London Tabernacle election and its related matters from Jan. 7 to Jan. 28 are the antitype of the banquet scene of vs. 1-10. In the second banquet J. is no longer alone, as in the first banquet, used to represent the Church (Esther, the queen, v. 1), but others also are joined to him in this representative capacity. The first of these others was H.C. Thackway, with his resolution acts of Jan.' 7. Then the other six non-signatory elders, particularly J. Hemery, then increasing numbers of the ecclesia's membership, until by Jan. 28, at the end of J.'s address, the vast bulk of the ecclesia, some being yet in doubt, not knowing as yet the full essential facts, which J. had supposed they had heard from J. Hemery on Jan. 21. All of these who joined in condemning H.J.S. also acted therein as representatives

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of the whole Church everywhere. Our Lord through the events, beginning Jan. 7, asked the Church (second day, v. 2) again, in its representatives (said again unto Esther), what things she desired (petition … request), assuring her that as His joint-heir they would be granted her (performed … half of the kingdom). The actual petition was preceded by a tactful introduction (found favor … please the king, v. 3). Then it was expressed in H.C. Thackway's resolutions, which in effect asked as her petition (petition) that the Church's life as to controlling, by her vote, her affairs be granted, and that the same right, as the life of the Truth people, i.e., to control in her affairs, everywhere may be granted, as her request (request). Then the exposure of the conspiracy followed. This had its first beginnings in the discussions on the above-mentioned resolutions, Jan. 7, a larger expression by the exposure through J. Hemery's address on Jan. 21, as expressing J.'s opinion on the conspiracy, and its blunt and forceful exposure through J.'s address on Jan. 28 (sold, I and my people … to perish, v. 4). It was said that if a measure of power to have a voice in the control of the Church by her vote had been left her, she would not have brought out the matter (sold for bondmen and bondwomen, I had held my tongue), even though the evil-doer could not prevent some injury to come to the Lord's cause (enemy … king's damage). 

The discussion on H.C. Thackway's resolution, Jan. 7, was by the Lord manipulated in a way to raise faintly the question in the minds of some of the brethren of the ecclesia as to who sponsored the movement that would have killed the Church and others of the Lord's people as to their right to control by their vote their church matters. This question was raised more clearly through J. Hemery's above-mentioned address as J.'s representative, Jan. 21, and was most clearly raised in the minds of all the ecclesia by J.'s address, Jan. 28 (king … said … Who is he, and where … presume [literally, whose heart

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filled him] … to do so? v. 5). With increasing clearness, beginning Jan. 7, proceeding through Jan. 21 and culminating Jan. 28, the informed brethren, as representatives of the Church (Esther said, v. 6), pointed out H.J.S. as the guilty one, whose guilt as an opponent, ill-wisher and evil-doer was increasingly brought out between Jan. 7 and 28 (adversary and enemy is this wicked Haman). Fear before the Lord and the Church seized on H.J.S. on his exposure's coming out faintly, on Jan. 7, increasingly, on Jan. 21 and culminatively, on Jan. 28 (Haman was afraid before the king and the queen). At each stage of H.J.S.'s fear, the Lord withdrew Himself from the discussion in displeasure with him (king … banquet of wine in his wrath, v. 7) and occupied Himself with other features of the work (garden). Thus the subject was by the Lord dropped from Jan. 7 until Jan. 21, and then was again dropped until Jan. 28. In the meantime H.J.S. made a faint plea for himself with the Church on Jan. 7, and came out more clearly in self-defense as a plea for his standing to the Church on Jan. 21 (stood up … for his life to Esther … evil determined … by the king). This moved J. Hemery, at J.'s direction for such a contingency, to make the statement above-mentioned, which was a return to the scene by the Lord (king returned … place of the banquet of wine, v. 8). H.J.S.'s self-defense was in reality the offering of an insult to the Church in their representatives who accused him, for it implied broadly that the views of his accusers were false (Haman was fallen upon the bed whereon Esther was). The returned Lord (king returned) was made most indignant at this impudent self-defense of H.J.S., who should have heartily pleaded guilty and humbly asked for mercy, instead of making a defense, which was actually an attack upon the Church in her representatives, an aspersion upon her honor. This indignation was, first, expressed by a resolution, passed Jan. 21, asking J. to appear on Jan. 28 as the 

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Society's special representative, and as such give on the situation his thought, which J. Hemery had in his statement assured the ecclesia was an adverse one; and it was, secondly, expressed by J.'s making that appearance as an accuser of H.J.S. (Will he force the queen also before me in the house?). The passing of that resolution, Jan. 21, and J.'s appearance before the ecclesia, Jan. 28, were the Lord's sentence on H.J.S. (word … covered Haman's face). 

J, studied H.J.S.'s self-defensive and deceitful letter to him, of Jan. 11, received Jan. 13, at Glasgow, Scotland. It was while J. (Harbonah [ass-driver, i.e., doctrine-teacher], v. 9), one of our Lord Jesus' servants (chamberlains), was preparing to address the ecclesia, Jan. 28 [In some way this event was mistakenly dated Jan. 21 in Vol. VII, 42. J. was about 300 miles away from London, at S. Shields, England, on Jan. 21, and was at London on Jan. 28, the proper date for this event], that he discovered, by a comparison of a part of a quotation in H.J.S.'s letter of Jan. 11 to J. with part of a smaller section of that quotation in the report that the elders wrote to Bro. Russell accompanying the conspiracy resolution, that H.J.S. had made an incomplete quotation of a part of a letter of Bro. Russell, of Oct., 22, 1915, to his fellow elders. H.J.S.'s letter of Jan. 11, quoted in large part in Vol. VII, 39-46, was a part of his theory of the Tabernacle situation—his theory being the symbolic gallows on which he desired to prove J. a public wrong-doer. J.'s noting the above-mentioned difference in the two quotations a few hours before he addressed the Tabernacle congregation the afternoon of Jan. 28 was the antitype of Harbonah's stating before the king that Haman had prepared a gallows on which to hang Mordecai and that this gallows was in Haman's house (v. 9). Immediately the thought arose in J.' s mind, Was it by this incomplete quotation that H.J.S. made the elders think that Bro. Russell wanted to surrender his control of Tabernacle arrangements? He decided to

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find this out at the afternoon's meeting by inquiring of the elders: (1) whether that incomplete part of the quotation had convinced them that Bro. Russell wanted the change; (2) whether they knew that the rest of the quotation as it was given J. in H.J.S.'s letter to him, of Jan. 11, immediately followed what H.J.S. had read to them; and (3) whether they would have believed that Bro. Russell was by the full quotation expressing a desire to be relieved from control of the Tabernacle arrangements. When J. appeared before the ecclesia, after a few introductory remarks, he put these three questions to the seven signatory elders present (two having already left the church to form a new church; and, of course, J. did not ask them of H.J.S. and W. Crawford), reading the full quotation after asking the second question and before it was answered. To the first all seven answered, Yes; to the second all seven answered, No; and to the third all seven answered, No. 

By the series of the above-mentioned acts, beginning just after the discovery of the discrepancy between the two quotations, proceeding through the drawing up of the three questions and ending with the answer to the third question, our Lord charged J. to prove publicly before the assembly of perhaps from 700 to 800 brethren, H.J.S. to be a gross wrong-doer: (1) in seeking to presbyterianize the church; (2) in deceiving nine of the ten elders (W. Crawford, the 10th, was not deceived; he was privy to the deception) into believing that Bro. Russell favored ridding himself of the control of the Tabernacle arrangements, as a step precedent to the presbyterianizing of the church and (3) in trying to justify his course (the king said, Hang him thereon). Backed by the knowledge, of H.J.S.'s Bethel and Tabernacle wrong-doings, J. was filled with righteous indignation at the discovery of his trickery against the elders; and he proceeded publicly and very severely, but tersely to prove H.J.S. a willful wrong-doer in the above 

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three respects. The symbolic hanging was most unceremonious; but it was complete; and it was done on his theory of the situation, which he had prepared to prove publicly J. to be a wrong-doer (hanged Haman on the gallows that he had prepared for Mordecai, v. 10). Not having sufficient knowledge on the matter, some in the audience showed marked disapproval of J.'s course that afternoon; and some others, though recognizing that H.J.S. had been guilty of wrong-doing, feared that he had been too severely dealt with; but the bulk of the audience saw enough of the nature of the wrong-doing to give hearty approval to J.'s course that afternoon. J., however, knew that he had the Lord's approval in what he had done; and v. 10 shows that his course satisfied the Lord, and that the punishment inflicted by J. upon H.J.S. that afternoon satisfied our Lord's sense of justice (king's wrath pacified). 

H.J.S.'s public exposure was not the end of the fight. There were other but less sharp battles to follow. But the events of Jan. 28 ended in our Lord's putting the whole movement of H.J.S. into the Church's control (that day … Ahasuerus give the house of Haman … unto Esther, 8:1). The bulk of the Church that day owned its oneness with J. in Christ (Esther had told what he was unto her). This gave J. a still more favored standing with our Lord (Mordecai came before the king), who gave him in the Church's support the proof of his having chief charge in the Lord's work, as our Lord's special representative (king took off his ring … taken from Haman, and gave it unto Mordecai, v. 2). Moreover, the Church in its London Tabernacle representatives put J. ahead of the signatory elders (Esther set Mordecai over the house of Haman). But there yet remained the work of destroying the whole clericalistic movement in the Church; and this work the faithful set themselves to do by entreating the Lord to put an end to H.J.S.'s clericalistic movement against the Church's right to rule under the Lord in her midst (Esther spake … king 

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… at his feet, and besought him … put away the mischief of Haman … against the Jews, v. 3). To this petition the Lord Jesus showed the favor of His power (king held out the golden sceptre toward Esther, v. 4). Thus encouraged, the Church appeared before the Lord for the matter at hand (arose, and stood before the king). With expressions of her desire to be favored by the Lord (please the king … found favor … right before the king … pleasing in his eyes, v. 5), the Church asked that the subject be disposed of by reversing the permission gotten by H.J. S: to take away the right of the Lord's people to rule under the Lord by vote in her midst (reverse the letters … wrote to destroy the Jews); for she could not endure seeing these rights abolished from the consecrated, especially from the Little Flock (endure … evil … my people … destruction of my kindred, v. 6). This petition came from the hearts of the brethren after H.J.S., following J.'s proving him a wrong-doer, asked the Church that afternoon to disregard J., "this stranger in our midst." Instead of following H.J.S.'s advice, the Church, encouraged by the Lord's Word and providence, secured from the Lord the power of prescribing ways and means to overthrow H.J.S.'s scheme. 

Accordingly, the Lord's providences, pointing back to the work already done (king said … have given Esther the house of Haman, and him … upon the gallows, because he laid his hand upon the Jews, v. 7), indicated that the Church and J. by the Lord's authority institute decrees that would unchangeably empower His people to defend their right to control their affairs by their free vote (Write ye … as it liketh you, in the king's name, and seal it with the king's ring … which … no man may reverse, v. 8). Accordingly, suitable motions, at J.'s suggestions, were passed, the voting on H.J.S. and W. Crawford as elders was delayed, and word was sent to the churches by these motions [for many members of many churches were present at this 

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meeting who acted as messengers therein] for the brethren to stand for their involved rights (were the king's scribes called … was written … all that Mordecai commanded … according to their language, v. 9). This news was carried by letter and word of mouth (v. 10), informing the brethren everywhere that the Lord had granted them the right to stand refutatively for ecclesiaism as against clericalism (king granted the Jews … to gather … stand for their life … to slay … all … that would assault them … the spoil of them for a prey, v. 11). This they should do at their elections (one day … 13th. … of Adar, v. 12). The statement of this permission for their elections was circulated (commandment … was published, v. 13) in every church in Britain by word of mouth or letter (posts … hastened … by the king's commandment, v. 14). Thus the happenings at the Tabernacle business meeting of Jan. 28 were made an example for all churches (decree was given at Shushan the palace). At the end of the service that night, after J.'s credentials were read to the congregation and after J. preached to a congregation of from 750 to 800 brethren, J. in actuality and in the belief of the congregation left the scene clothed in full executive authority as the Lord's special representative, found faithful and righteous (royal apparel of blue and white, v. 15), as the Lord's authorized mouthpiece (great crown of gold [Rev. 4:4]), and as a royal priest—one who had maintained his priesthood until after the door was closed (with a garment of fine linen and purple), amid the rejoicing of the Tabernacle ecclesia, which had witnessed his fight against, and victory over the chief of the clericalists (city of Shushan … was glad). Especially were the faithful glad, enlightened and honored at this turn of affairs (Jews had light and gladness … honor, v. 16). The same things occurred among the faithful in all the British churches where the message of the Lord's pertinent dealings came (whithersoever the king's commandment … 

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came, v. 17). Yea, not a few of H.J.S.'s sympathizers were by the facts of his guilt turned into supporters of ecclesiaism as against clericalism (became Jews; for the fear … fell upon them). 

On Jan. 28 it was decided to go on with the affairs of the Church as against presbyterianism so as to give the supporters of ecclesiaism the opportunity to crush the former and firmly establish the latter. This decision, as shown above, was antitypical of the decree of 8:10-13. Chapter 9 shows how this decree was carried out in two parts: (1) on Feb. 4 and (2) on Feb. 18. On Feb. 4 the defenders of ecclesiaism gathered in large numbers for a business meeting of the Tabernacle, according to the motion of Jan 28. The defenders of ecclesiaism on Feb. 4 were not only encouraged at the utter discomfiture of H.J.S. on the previous Sunday, but were greatly increased in numbers by defections from H.J.S.'s former supporters. Hence as the determined day approached (day … drew near, v. 1) when the Shearno-Crawfordite clericalists hoped to have the victory over the ecclesiaists (the day that the enemies … hoped to have power), it turned out exactly the opposite (turned to the contrary), for the ecclesiaists had complete power over the clericalists (Jews had rule over them). In courage the ecclesiaists assembled (Jews gathered themselves together, v. 2), intent, not only on destroying (1) presbyterianism, the rule of elders in their midst, but also on destroying (2) the revolutionistic practices that the clericalists had been advocating and partially had introduced, i.e., (a) dividing the London Tabernacle congregation into a large number of small and uninfluential ecclesias, of which they had already formed two from its members, (b) setting aside Berean lessons, (c) introducing textbookism, i.e., the study of the Bible as a textbook, (d) filling the Tabernacle pulpit with amateur preachers, contrary to that Servant's arrangements, and (e) setting aside J. Hemery as assistant Pastor, despite Bro. Russell's arranging

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for him to be such. Of these evils presbyterianism and textbookism were the worst. By the ecclesia's resolution of Feb. 4 all six of these things were overthrown in its midst; and when the other churches were apprised of the situation, they were likewise overthrown in their midst. Everywhere the ecclesiaists swept everything before them by overwhelming majorities (in their cities … no man could withstand them), for their enemies were put into abject fear of them (such as sought their hurt … for the fear of them fell upon all people). 

The elders and deacons in other ecclesias (rulers … lieutenants … deputies and officers, v. 3) furthered ecclesiaism as against presbyterianism (helped the Jews); for what they saw and learned of J.'s powers and acts made them fear to oppose the reforms that were being advanced (fear of Mordecai fell upon them). The reading of J.'s credentials by the London Tabernacle's secretary, at J. Hemery's suggestion, to the from 750 to 800 brethren from many ecclesias, at the night meeting, of Jan. 28, to show what powers "this stranger in our midst" had, greatly increased J.'s influence wherever his powers became known, which was in all the churches (Mordecai was great in the king's house, and his fame went … provinces … Mordecai waxed greater and greater, v. 4). The ecclesiaists routed in the debate every opponent of ecclesiaism who dared raise his voice even weakly in defense of presbyterianism (Jews smote all their enemies with … destruction, v. 5) and did to the defenders of presbyterianism what they thought right required (did what they would unto those that hated them). In the Tabernacle ecclesia they refuted and defeated all new-creaturely and other revolutionists, who were thus in a class lower than the Divine class (in Shushan … Jews slew and destroyed 500 [500 is the product of 10, 10 and 5; the two tens stand for Great Company and Youthful Worthy revolutionists and the five stands for their being unclean], 

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v. 6). Moreover, the ten signatory elders were thoroughly refuted in their course as to the resolution, report and covering letter, the main part of the revolutionists' correspondence sent to Brooklyn. Not only so, but those of them that had been re-elected Jan. 22 were required to promise to submit to the ecclesia's arrangements in the six above-mentioned particulars of revolutionism, of which they were varyingly and unequally guilty. These ten elders are, in vs. 7-10, set forth typically as slain (refuted), in addition to the 500 of v. 6. These ten were J. Gentle (Parshandatha [given forth to light], v. 7), T. Hart (Dalphon [dropping]), R. Cormack (Aspatha [given by the horse-doctrine]), J. C. Radwell (Poratha [ornament], v. 8), W. Crawford (Adalia [bulky]), E. J. Doe (Aridatha [strong]), F. B. Edgell (Parmashta [strong-fisted], v. 9), A. Cruickshank (Arisai (lion-like]), C. J. Cotton (Aridai [strong] and W. P. Frazer (Vajezatha [white]). These ten elders, who submitted to H.J.S.'s program of presbyterianizing the Church (ten sons of Haman … enemy of the Jews, v. 10), the brethren in the meeting of Feb. 4 refuted in their theory and practice (they slew), but the anti-clericalists in their victory took no advantage of them, e.g., they did not expel from the eldership those of them who were re-elected, and who promised to submit to the ecclesia's arrangements (on the spoil laid they not their hand). And during that day (on that day, v. 11) a description (number) of the refuted ones among the elders, deacons and unofficial members of the ecclesia (slain in Shushan) was made (brought … king). 

By His providences the Lord Jesus made clear (the king said, v. 12) to the faithful (Esther) that the measurably faithful were refuted (slain … 500 men) in the Tabernacle (Shushan the palace), including the signatory elders (ten sons of Haman). He raised in their minds the question as to what the true ones had done in the other British churches (what … rest … provinces?). His providences in the meeting of Feb. 4, connected with the 

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brethren's desire for more information on the conspiracy, and with what should be done with the elected signatory elders, also suggested that the faithful present their further wants for themselves (petition) and for their brethren thy request further), He pledging to grant these. To meet the desires of the brethren in these two particulars, the faithful (Esther, v. 13) asked that, the Lord being willing (please the king), the facts exposing the details of the conspiracy be presented to the Church by J., on Feb. 18, that the Church may pass its judgment thereon (let … Jews … Shushan to do tomorrow also … this day's decree) and do to the signatory elders what the evidence may require (Haman's ten sons be hanged). The Lord, through the passing of the pertinent motions, Feb. 4, charged that these two things be done Feb. 18 (king commanded … done, v. 14). Accordingly, the ecclesia requested J. to appear before it Feb. 18, to give it the details of the conspiracy and to suggest the final disposal of the matters pertinent to the ten signatory elders. Accordingly, the afternoon of Feb. 18 J. appeared before about 800 brethren of the London Tabernacle and other ecclesias (Jews … Shushan gathered … 14th … Adar, v. 15), and for two and one-half hours exposed the conspiracy in detail, as a cesspool of iniquity. 

He had beforehand prepared in outline the facts of wrong-doing under the subject, Objections To The Election Of H.J.S. (and W. Crawford) to eldership in the London Tabernacle. The following seven general charges were presented as reasons against their being so elected: I. They engineered the entire project of the resolution. II. They were disloyal to their fellow elders. III. They were disloyal to the assistant pastor (J. Hemery). IV. They were disloyal to the ecclesia. V. They were disloyal to Bro. Russell. VI. They were disloyal to the Truth. VII. They were consciously disloyal to their office. In proof of each charge, every one of which contained a number of specifications, 

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some of them as many as seven, J. read extracts from the correspondence sent to Bro. Russell, from the minutes of the elders and from some of the documents that the ecclesia's secretary gave him, as well as called on many brethren present, especially elders, for their evidence as to the facts. Incidental to these matters and their proof, the ten signatory elders were, proven wrong-doers (hanged Haman's ten sons). Six of the ten had been re-elected as elders. Under J.'s questioning that afternoon they acknowledged their wrongs, expressed their regrets and asked the ecclesia for forgiveness. Up to Feb. 18 there was quite a number of H.J.S.'s sympathizers in and out of the ecclesia who were incensed against J. for his exposure and sharp rebukes of H.J.S. on Jan. 28. Some who were not his sympathizers, and who knew but little of the facts, felt that J. had dealt H.J.S. too hard blows on Jan. 28. But after his charges and proofs were heard on Feb. 18, even H.J.S.'s sympathizers who were present were convinced that H.J.S. richly deserved what he received (slew 300 men at Shushan). None of the brethren took advantage of the refuted ones (on the prey they laid not their hand). This entire assembly of about 800 brethren thereupon unanimously voted J. thanks and appreciation for what he had done for the Church, and confidence in his character as a servant of the Lord. H.J.S. and W. Crawford were nearly unanimously defeated as elder candidates. 

The pertinent happenings at the London Tabernacle were reported to the ecclesias throughout Britain and Ireland by mail, as well as by verbal statements, mainly of brethren from other ecclesias who were present at the pertinent London Tabernacle business meetings. These reports gave a death-blow to the clericalists and their supporters at the subsequent elections of the extra-London ecclesias throughout Britain and Ireland (Jews … provinces gathered … stood for their lives … slew … 75,000, v. 16). So complete was the victory of ecclesiaism over 

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presbyterianism that in such churches the defeat was complete at but one set of meetings, whereas at the London Tabernacle two sets of meetings had to be held before clericalism was slain (rest from their, enemies). Accordingly, they fought for their right to rule by vote at but one set of meetings (13th day … Adar, v. 17). These, like the London brethren, did not take advantage of the defeated clericalists (laid not their hands on the prey). From then onward they had rest from the clericalists (14th day … rested). Of course they joyously feasted on the Word and the pertinent privileges that it conferred on them (made it a day of feasting and gladness). After their two sets of meeting periods when they fought for their right to rule by their vote (Jews … Shushan assembled … 13th … 14th, v. 18), the London brethren had rest from their struggles (15th … rested). They then feasted on the Word and the pertinent privileges that it gave them (made it a day of feasting and gladness). The victory was followed in the extra-London churches (villages … unwalled towns, v. 19), on the antitypical 14th day, by joy and Truth feasting (gladness and feasting), a holiday (a good day [to this day the Jews call a holiday by the words, a good day]), and they made it the occasion of exchanging the good things of Truth as gifts (sending portions one to another). J. by his teachings, preachings, letters and conversations everywhere sent the message that the brethren should maintain in teaching and practice ecclesiaism as against presbyterianism (Mordecai wrote … letters … Jews … nigh and far, v. 20), and to fix the matter thus at all their meetings and elections always (establish … keep the 14th … and the 15th … yearly, v. 21). These meeting and election times should be held as such, because they mean congregational liberty enjoyed as the fruit of victory over clericalism in the form of Presbyterianism (rested from their enemies, v. 22), the victory that turned sorrow into joy (month … turned … sorrow to joy), bereavement into rich possession (mourning into a good 

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day). He exhorted them to make such days times of enjoyment of the Truth and gladness (days of feasting and joy), bestowing the good things of the Truth on one another (sending portions one to another) and offering the Truth to the Truth-hungry who did not have it (gifts to the poor). 

The properly disposed (Jews, v. 23) accepted the privilege, which they 'had exercised immediately after the victory, as a perpetual thing (undertook to do as they had begun), even as J. charged them (as Mordecai had written), in commemoration of the overthrow of the dangerous conspiracy started and directed by H.J.S. (Haman … devised, v. 24), the enemy of the faithful (the enemy of all the Jews), the vote-casting maker (had cast Pur … lot), in seeking the injury of the ecclesiaists (consume … destroy them). But the wicked conspiracy (wicked device, v. 25) against God's people (against the Jews) was by our Lord Jesus' command (he commanded) turned against him (return upon his own head), resulting in the public proof of his and his ten co-conspirators' guilt as wrong-doers (he and his sons … hanged). Hence the church business and election meetings are made voting affairs whereby each ecclesia under the Lord regulates her own matters (called these days Purim [votes] after the name of Pur, v. 26). This the Lord's people do because of the teachings of J.'s message (all the words of this letter), because of what they witnessed in this matter (had seen concerning this matter) and because of what they had experienced therein (had come unto them). Accordingly, the Lord's people obligated themselves (took upon them … seed, v. 27) and all who would come into the Truth (joined themselves [literally, were joined] unto them) as an unalterable thing (should not fail) to maintain this right to regulate their business affairs and their elections (would keep these two days) according to the Truth always (according to their writing and … time every year). The keeping of this matter was repeated and stressed as a memorial and an observance 

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(these days … remembered and kept, v. 28) always (every generation), in each elect class (family), in every ecclesia (province), in every sub-class (city), in order that their managing of their business affairs and elections by their votes cease not among the various Truth people (day of Purim should not fail from among the Jews), nor its remembrance be forgotten in any class of them (their memorial perish from their seed). 

J.F.R. ordered an investigation of J.'s London Bethel and Tabernacle work, appointing thereto an investigative commission of five influential and able British brothers: Bros. McCloy, Warden, McKenzie, Robinson and Housden, all members of J.'s special advisers in British Church affairs. This made in addition to J.'s investigation a second investigation of both the Bethel and Tabernacle matters. Here we will present only those matters that concern the Tabernacle. Various brethren of the ecclesia appeared before this commission and witnessed against H.J.S. and the ten signatory elders. J. also appeared before them affirming that the Lord had justified his work, protested against the investigation as not right, because his work was done as one with power of attorney and as the one whom the Lord had appointed in charge of the priestly work [which by a very natural misunderstanding, already explained, he thought to be that of the steward of the Penny Parable] and refused to give testimony further than to say that his investigations completely proved the guilt of all eleven signatories, especially that of H.J.S. The faithful's and J.'s making these appearances with their reassertion of the propriety of their course in this matter was a reaffirmation of their ecclesiaism as against the presbyterianism of the eleven (Esther … Mordecai … this second letter of Purim, v. 29). The representatives of the ecclesia as representatives of the general Church gave powerful testimony on this subject (daughter of Abihail [father of power]). The witness of the ecclesia's representatives, as that of the Church, and J.'s statement and protest, as that of the Lord's 

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special representative, were with full authority (wrote with all authority), in confirmation of another message (he sent letters, v. 30) that went forth everywhere in Britain and Ireland among the churches (all the Jews … provinces of the kingdom). With these J. united words of prosperity (peace) and Truth (truth), to add strength on the subject of the churches' control, under the Lord, of their business and election matters (confirm these days of Purim, v. 31), as J. (Mordecai) and the Church (Esther) had charged (enjoined them), as matters on which they obligated themselves and all of like mind (decreed for themselves and for their seed) and for which they had sacrificed (fastings) and suffered (cry). The London Tabernacle, as a representative of the Church (Esther, v. 32), fixed these matters firmly by refusing to elect H.J.S. and W. Crawford even as deacons, though the investigative commission recommended this latter thing (decree … confirmed these matters of Purim). And the matter was recorded in the ecclesia's minutes (written in the book). 

In the trialsome experiences preparatory to, associated with, and following after the separation of antitypical Elijah and Elisha from about May 1, 1917 to Jan. 8, 1918, our Lord Jesus (king Ahasuerus, 10:1) demanded obedience to the principles of the Lord's Word pertinent to these experiences (laid a tribute) of all Truth people throughout the earth, both of the Elijah class (the land) and of the Elisha class (the isles of the sea). Our Lord's post-Pentecostal Gospel-Age acts—throughout the whole Gospel Age, even until the Great Company and Youthful Worthies leave the earth (all the acts of his power and might, v. 2)—are recorded in various Bible books, particularly in those on the types and prophecies (written in the book … kings of Media and Persia). Additionally, in these books there is written in the types and prophecies the explanation of the high offices that He gave J. (declaration of the greatness of Mordecai), which implies repeated promotions from the Lord (whereunto 

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the king advanced him). J. has frequently been ridiculed as "seeing himself in the Scriptures." This chapter and the three preceding ones are witnesses of the fact that he also sees others in the Scriptures. Here is a passage that proves him right on this point. In some Scriptures he appears in the large Gospel-Age picture. Some of these cases are mentioned in Chapter II. In the book of Esther and in another that will be explained later, he also so appears in the large Gospel-Age picture. Again, as seen in the three Gospel-Age miniatures, he appears from the death of our Pastor on as the star-members of the last five churches in the small, as those of the last six churches in the medium, and of the last six in the large miniature. This fact implies that in every type where the work of the star-members is expressly or impliedly represented and in every prophecy where their work is set forth literally or symbolically, his work is typed or set forth literally or symbolically in the large, medium and small pictures, e.g., wherever Bro. Russell is typed or foretold in the large, J. is typed or foretold in the three small pictures. What this implies can be seen from the fact that Jehovah has declared that He will do nothing in the outworking of His plan and its agents that He has not prefigured in the types and forecast in the prophecies of the Bible (Amos 3:7). The Lord has been pleased to make him in the Epiphany His prime-minister on earth (next unto the king, v. 3), prominent among his brethren (great among the Jews), and will shortly cause him to be received as the Epiphany messenger and executive by the bulk of the Truth people (accepted of the multitude of his brethren), ambitious not for himself, but to advance the welfare of the Lord's people (seeking the wealth [literally, the good] of his people), and as the Lord's mouthpiece blessing them with the Truth unto their prosperity (speaking peace [literally, prosperity] to all of his seed). For these and all other blessings may thanks, glory, praise and honor redound to God alone, through Jesus Christ, our only Savior and Lord! 

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